@article{oai:repository.ninjal.ac.jp:00000468,
 author = {有田, 節子 and ARITA, Setsuko},
 issue = {9},
 journal = {国立国語研究所論集, NINJAL Research Papers},
 month = {Jul},
 note = {立命館大学, Ritsumeikan University, 本稿は,会話において係助詞の「は」が単独で出現する現象(「裸のハ」)を扱う。裸のハは他の裸の助詞類と同様,先行談話に依存することにより表現を完結させる現象と捉えられる一方で,裸のハ固有のさまざまな特徴が見られる。疑問文の応答の冒頭に偏在するというのもその一つである。裸のハの分布上の特徴を係助詞ハと疑問文の意味から導出し,さらに,裸のハが係助詞から感動詞への変化の途上にあることを示す。, This paper deals with the phenomenon in which wa appears in Japanese conversation without preceding phrases (hereafter referred to as Bare-wa). I will show that the phenomenon raises fundamental questions about wa as a conventional topic marker, and then I will propose a new analysis of the phenomenon. I argue the specific function of Bare-wa in the discourse, which is not seen for case particles, on an assumption that Bare-wa is identical to topic marker wa, and that the utterance-initial wa, especially, acquires an interjectional function because it is inspired by a focuspresenting function indigenous to its topic marking usage., application/pdf},
 pages = {1--22},
 title = {日本語疑問文の応答の冒頭に現れる「は」について : 係助詞から感動詞へ},
 year = {2015},
 yomi = {アリタ, セツコ}
}